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Climate Change through the Eyes of a Californian Farmer

Feb 11, 2013 by | 1 Comment

This guest post is by Dr. Ryan Haden and Ph.D. can­didate Meredith Niles at the University of California Davis. Their recent study in the journal PLoS ONE is the first to use an approach called Construal Level Theory, which con­siders the ‘level’ – local or global – that people con­strue a problem, to examine the exper­i­ences and atti­tudes that motivate farmers to imple­ment sus­tain­able farming prac­tices in order to mit­igate and adapt to cli­mate change.

In California, the farmers who raise cattle and cul­tivate the Central Valley’s diverse mix of orch­ards, vine­yards, and row crops are well-aware of how dependent they are on favor­able cli­matic con­di­tions. As one grower puts it, “Agriculture is more vul­ner­able to cli­mate change than anyone who is not a farmer can even ima­gine”. Helping farmers anti­cipate and adapt to changes in the local cli­mate is there­fore vital to pre­serving rural live­li­hoods and safe­guarding global food security.

With the imple­ment­a­tion of California’s land­mark Global Warming Solutions Act now underway, local farmers are also being asked to con­sider their role in the state’s carbon foot­print. Since agri­cul­ture in California accounts for roughly 6–7 % of total green­house gas emis­sions, state agen­cies have opted for a vol­un­tary approach to mit­ig­ating emis­sions from agri­cul­ture com­pared to man­datory reduc­tions from the indus­trial and trans­port­a­tion sec­tors. This reli­ance on vol­un­tary action by farmers raises the ques­tion – What motiv­ates them to mit­igate and adapt to cli­mate change?

To answer this ques­tion our research team worked with local stake­holders in the Central Valley to con­duct a survey that examined farmers’ exper­i­ences, per­spect­ives, and beha­viors related to cli­mate change. Our ques­tions covered a range of topics including; i) farmers’ past exper­i­ence with local cli­mate impacts (e.g. changes in tem­per­ature and water avail­ab­ility), ii) their beliefs about the exist­ence, causes, and risks of cli­mate change, iii) their con­cerns for global and local impacts on agri­cul­ture, and ulti­mately iv) their will­ing­ness to adopt various mit­ig­a­tion and adapt­a­tion practices.

As it turns out, what motiv­ates a farmer to take action is quite dif­ferent if the goal is redu­cing the emis­sions that cause cli­mate change (i.e. mit­ig­a­tion), as opposed to coping with the con­sequences (i.e. adapt­a­tion). Perhaps more import­antly, the spe­cific con­cerns that motivate each response depend heavily on whether the risks of cli­mate change are framed in a global or local context.

To under­stand the dis­tinc­tion between global and local framing we drew on sev­eral recent psy­cho­lo­gical studies that apply Construal Level Theory (i.e. the level at which people ‘con­strue’ ¬the problem) to envir­on­mental decision making and beha­vior. In par­tic­ular, work by Alexa Spence at the University of Nottingham and sev­eral of her col­leagues at Cardiff University recog­nized that the “psy­cho­lo­gical dis­tance of cli­mate change” has strong implic­a­tions for what exper­i­ences and atti­tudes motivate people to respond to cli­mate change. They observed that the impacts of cli­mate change can be per­ceived in either a psy­cho­lo­gic­ally dis­tant or prox­imate mindset (i.e. dis­tant = high level con­strual and close = low level con­strual). This con­cep­tual frame­work was then used to under­stand how per­sonal exper­i­ence with flooding helped to motivate people in the UK to reduce their energy use and thus mit­igate emissions.

Our work, which looks at the psy­cho­lo­gical dis­tance of cli­mate change through the eyes of a California farmer, goes one step fur­ther by con­sid­ering the subtle dif­fer­ence between mit­ig­a­tion and adapt­a­tion goals. We found that past exper­i­ence alone did not dir­ectly motivate cli­mate action among farmers. Instead, the effect of past exper­i­ence on beha­vior was medi­ated by their level of con­cern for either the local or global impacts on agriculture.

Moreover, we also observed that the atti­tudes motiv­ating mit­ig­a­tion and adapt­a­tion beha­viors tend to be cog­nit­ively rep­res­ented at dif­ferent con­strual levels – with psy­cho­lo­gic­ally dis­tant “global con­cerns” driving mit­ig­a­tion and more prox­imate “local con­cerns” spur­ring adapt­a­tion. For instance, farmers who expressed con­cern about the global impacts of cli­mate change on agri­cul­ture were more willing to adopt mit­ig­a­tion prac­tices such as using energy and fer­til­izers more effi­ciently. In con­trast, those who were con­cerned about local impacts, par­tic­u­larly on water avail­ab­ility, were more motiv­ated to adapt by imple­menting improved irrig­a­tion practices.

So what might explain these res­ults? We think it’s likely due to the fact that mit­ig­ating green­house gas emis­sions is a classic col­lective action problem that cannot be solved by the actions of one person alone. It requires cooper­a­tion on a global scale. Also, the out­come our per­sonal efforts to reduce emis­sions are dif­fused glob­ally and thus dif­fi­cult to see firsthand. As such, the con­cerns and beha­viors linked to mit­ig­a­tion tend to be psy­cho­lo­gic­ally distant.

In con­trast, farmers who anti­cipate local cli­mate impacts and take spe­cific meas­ures to adapt can often see tan­gible evid­ence of their efforts. Thus, the con­cerns and beha­viors motiv­ating adapt­a­tion are psy­cho­lo­gic­ally closer than those which influ­ence mit­ig­a­tion. This example from agri­cul­ture also under­scores the fact that both cooper­ative and self-interested beha­viors will each be neces­sary if we hope to address the causes and con­sequences of cli­mate change.

So for those of us who are inter­ested in more effect­ively enga­ging farmers (and the broader public) in ini­ti­at­ives to mit­igate and adapt to cli­mate change, our study offers sev­eral con­clu­sions to consider:

1. Keep the mes­sages on mit­ig­a­tion and adapt­a­tion strategies focused on their respective global and local spheres. The real value of this approach is that people pay closer atten­tion to mes­sages that match atti­tudes with desired beha­vior according to their psy­cho­lo­gical distance.

2. Develop inform­a­tion resources that equip farmers to identify and address local climate-related impacts. This approach strengthens local adaptive capa­city because indi­viduals who are oper­ating in a psy­cho­lo­gic­ally prox­imate mindset will tend to pursue feas­ible goals that they per­ceive as being effective for dealing with prob­lems near at hand.

3. Use mes­sages that emphasize the soci­etal bene­fits of mit­ig­a­tion rather than fear of per­sonal con­sequences. This is important because the main bene­fits of farmers’ efforts to mit­igate emis­sions are dif­fused glob­ally and thus may not dir­ectly benefit their crops or eco­nomic returns.

4. Remember that many farming prac­tices have com­plex rami­fic­a­tions for both mit­ig­a­tion and adapt­a­tion. This means that cli­mate change ini­ti­at­ives should be designed to help farmers weigh the mix of bene­fits and tradeoffs that gen­er­ally accom­pany new farming practices.

Even if we even­tu­ally achieve the mit­ig­a­tion tar­gets set by the Kyoto Protocol, our past emis­sions will con­tinue to impact the cli­mate for many dec­ades to come. Therefore, we may want to pay close atten­tion to the common wisdom of our California farmer when he emphas­izes that we “need to be thinking about mit­ig­a­tion and adapt­a­tion” in our future policy and out­reach initiatives.

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  • Farmers are key to the growth of grains. They are farmers so they are sure when the cli­mate are in their favor.

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