Communicating uncertainty in climate science

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When the media talk about cli­mate change scep­ti­cism, they usu­ally mean that people are uncer­tain in some way about the reality or ser­i­ous­ness of cli­mate change.

A number of polls of public atti­tudes towards cli­mate change have doc­u­mented an increase in the degree of per­ceived uncer­tainty about cli­mate change over the past three years (BBC, 2010; Pew Research Centre, 2009; Spence, Venables, Pidgeon, Poortinga & Demski, 2010). These data on public opinion about cli­mate change can be con­trasted with a recent survey of active and pub­lishing cli­mate sci­ent­ists. Among this group, Doran and Zimmerman (2009) found 97% agree that human activity is con­trib­uting to cli­mate change. On the basic ques­tion of whether human activity is influ­en­cing the global cli­mate there is very little uncer­tainty among cli­mate scientists.

But des­pite the over­whelming amount of sci­entific evid­ence that shows human activ­ities are causing the earth to warm, debates about cli­mate change are still char­ac­ter­ised by an enormous amount of uncer­tainty (Zehr, 2000). The everyday meaning of uncer­tainty is neg­ative – and so when it comes to cli­mate change, people tend to infer that sci­ent­ists do not know any­thing about a topic, just because they do not know everything about it. Uncertainty about cli­mate change is a major bar­rier to public engagement.

Perhaps the most important task for com­mu­nic­ating cli­mate change effect­ively is being clear that uncer­tainty is not an enemy of sci­ence that holds it back – it is actu­ally a stim­ulus that drives it for­ward. Just like any area of com­plex sci­ence, uncer­tainty is a fea­ture of cli­mate sci­ence that will never go away. Science doesn’t deal in cer­tain­ties – it weighs up the evid­ence and tells you which of sev­eral pos­sible answers has the most sup­port. Where uncer­tain­ties remain, sci­ent­ists know where to put their efforts into what to invest­igate next. Getting the mes­sage across that uncer­tainty is not a bad thing, and that we make decisions every day based on less than cer­tain inform­a­tion is an important place to start for cli­mate change communicators.

So how much uncer­tainty is there about cli­mate change?

On the basic ques­tion of whether the earth is warming, and whether human activity is causing this to happen, there is very little uncer­tainty – but on more spe­cific ques­tions about when, where and how soon the impacts of cli­mate change will take place, there is still a great deal that is unknown.

The British Royal Society has pro­duced a guide to the sci­ence of cli­mate change that describes the areas where the sci­ence is well estab­lished, where there is still some debate, and where genuine uncer­tain­ties remain. Although it is clearly written, it is aimed at people who have some under­standing of the sci­ence. But the basic mes­sage is very clear: there is strong and reli­able evid­ence that human activity has caused the earth to warm over the past 50 years – on this crit­ical point, there is next to no uncer­tainty. Emphasising that uncer­tainty in sci­ence is normal will help to combat the belief that uncer­tainty should equal inaction.

As a com­mu­nic­ator, it is crit­ical to explain to people the dif­fer­ence between sci­entific uncer­tainty (that is, the extent to which sci­ent­ists agree about the answer to a par­tic­ular ques­tion), and uncer­tainty that comes from deciding how to respond to what the cli­mate sci­ence tells us. In his book, Why we dis­agree about cli­mate change, the cli­mate sci­entist Mike Hulme shows how easy it is to con­fuse the dif­ferent types of uncer­tainty that sur­round cli­mate change (Hulme, 2009).

No matter how much sci­ence is con­ducted, it will never tell us which of a set of dif­ferent policies to choose. A sci­entist can tell you how much carbon is in the atmo­sphere, and cal­cu­late the effect­ive­ness of dif­ferent methods of redu­cing it (e.g. redu­cing the number of cars on the road vs. reg­u­lating emis­sions from cement factories). But a sci­entist cannot tell you which of these is the right choice to make – this is a decision for cit­izens and politi­cians. Being as clear as pos­sible about the dif­fer­ence between cli­mate sci­ence, and the choices we make based on that sci­ence, is essen­tial for effective com­mu­nic­a­tion – oth­er­wise, these dif­ferent types of uncer­tainty become confused.

For people inter­ested in com­mu­nic­ating more spe­cific aspects of uncer­tainty in cli­mate sci­ence – for example, how con­fident sci­ent­ists are that a par­tic­ular impact will occur during the next 20–30 years – there is now some guid­ance avail­able. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has attempted (not always suc­cess­fully) to quantify and com­mu­nicate the uncer­tain­ties around cli­mate sci­ence in their Assessment Reports for policy makers. In the most recent report, in 2007, they spe­cified numer­ical prob­ab­ility ranges (e.g. 90% or more) at the outset of the report, linked them to spe­cific terms (e.g. “very likely”) and then used these terms throughout the report. Based on the most recent assess­ment of the cli­mate sci­ence evid­ence, the IPCC con­cluded that it was ‘very likely’ that human activity was causing cli­mate change.

However, when psy­cho­lo­gists from the University of Illinois (Budescu, Broomell & Por, 2010) ran an exper­i­ment to test how people inter­preted these written terms, they found a big dis­crep­ancy between the meaning the IPCC had intended, and the con­clu­sion people actu­ally drew. The numer­ical ranges that people actu­ally assigned to the verbal expres­sions were often not the ones the IPCC had used. The authors of the study con­cluded that written expres­sions such as ‘very likely’ need to be accom­panied by the prob­ab­ility range they refer to if they are to be effective: oth­er­wise people will inter­pret the same term in very dif­ferent ways. For com­mu­nic­ators wishing to talk about spe­cific events, using numer­ical inform­a­tion as well as a verbal term is likely to convey more accurate information.

Media-generated con­tro­versy is often cited as a reason for scep­ti­cism about cli­mate change – because media reports exag­gerate the uncer­tainty about the basic ques­tions of cli­mate change. Radio, tele­vi­sion and news­paper reports have been cri­ti­cised for inter­preting too simplist­ic­ally the notion of providing a ‘bal­anced’ set of views, which can lead to com­peting points of view on a sci­entific issue being presented as equally sup­ported when in fact they are not (Boykoff, 2007; Ward, 2008; Zehr, 2000). This cre­ates the impres­sion that the causes of cli­mate change are more con­tro­ver­sial than they actu­ally are.

Climate change com­mu­nic­ators can try to combat this problem by using examples of other sub­jects where a ‘bal­anced’ news report would not mean giving equal space to opposing points of view (e.g. the health impacts of smoking). Emphasising that ‘bal­ance’ doesn’t mean ‘equal’ but ‘rep­res­ent­ative of the evid­ence’ is one way of explaining to people why media cov­erage of cli­mate change can often paint an unreal­istic pic­ture of the under­lying science.

In a paper that was pub­lished in the journal Nature Climate Change, the social sci­ent­ists Nick Pidgeon and Baruch Fischhoff sug­gest that the best way to deal with uncer­tainty is to talk about cli­mate change as a risk. Although this might not seem a major dif­fer­ence, framing the issue as being about risk (rather than a set of pre­dic­tions about the future) turns the problem into some­thing that most people are used to dealing with (and that social sci­ent­ists know a fair amount about): per­ceiving and man­aging risks. It is also the lan­guage of the insur­ance, health and national security sec­tors. Pidgeon and Fischhoff sug­gest that the more the risks of cli­mate change can be brought to life through vivid ‘mental models’, the better (using clear prac­tical examples of the risk of sea level rise, or the risk of melting glaciers).

An aca­demic paper by psy­cho­lo­gists from the University of Exeter in the UK showed that uncer­tainty is not neces­sarily a bar­rier to com­mu­nic­a­tion if the right ‘framing’ of the problem is used (Morton et al, 2011). They gave people short mes­sages to read that con­tained uncer­tain inform­a­tion, but framed in either a pos­itive or neg­ative way. So, half the par­ti­cipants in the exper­i­ment read a mes­sage describing an 80% risk of abrupt changes to Monsoon pat­terns (neg­ative framing), while the other half of the par­ti­cipants read a mes­sage describing a 20% chance of avoiding abrupt changes to Monsoon pat­terns (pos­itive framing). The researchers found that when uncer­tainty was used to indicate that losses might not happen if cau­tious action is taken to pre­vent them (i.e. the pos­itive frame), then people were more likely to indicate stronger inten­tions to act in a pro-environmental way. The authors con­cluded that uncer­tainty is not an inev­it­able bar­rier to action, provided com­mu­nic­ators frame cli­mate change mes­sages in ways that trigger cau­tion in the face of uncertainty .

A good prac­tical example of an attempt to com­mu­nicate uncer­tainty in cli­mate sci­ence is the UK Climate Impacts Programme. It con­tains a great deal of inform­a­tion about the prob­able out­comes of cli­mate change for dif­ferent regions in the UK, and is a tool for national and local gov­ern­ments. The last major assess­ment, in 2009, used visual images and prob­ab­ility inform­a­tion to com­mu­nicate com­plex uncer­tainty inform­a­tion. Resources and reports can be down­loaded from their web­site.

Beyond uncer­tainty in cli­mate sci­ence, there is also a problem with public per­cep­tions of dis­agree­ment among cli­mate sci­ent­ists. One study in Nature Climate Change (Ding et al, 2011) dir­ectly studied the link between people’s sense of whether there was a ‘con­sensus’ on cli­mate change among sci­ent­ists, and their sup­port for cli­mate policies. Using survey data from the US, the study found that per­cep­tions of con­sensus were dir­ectly linked to a range of key beliefs (including whether humans were causing cli­mate change), which in turn determ­ined whether people sup­ported policies for redu­cing carbon. The mes­sage from this study is important – repeatedly stating that the vast majority of sci­ent­ists agree that humans are causing cli­mate change is one way of over­coming per­cep­tions of uncertainty.

References

Boykoff, M. (2007). Flogging a Dead Norm? Media Coverage of Anthropogenic Climate Change in United States and United Kingdom, 2003–2006. Area 39(4) 470–481.

British Broadcasting Corporation. (2010). BBC cli­mate change poll  – February 2010.

Budescu, D. V., Broomell, S., & Por, H. (2009). Improving com­mu­nic­a­tion of uncer­tainty in the reports of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Psychological Science 20, 299–308.

Ding, D., Maibach, E.W., Zhao, X., Roser-Renouf, C. & Leiserowitz (2011). Support for cli­mate policy and soci­etal action are linked to per­cep­tions about sci­entific agree­ment. Nature Climate Change doi:10.1038/NCLIMATE1295

Doran, P.T. & Zimmerman, M.K. (2009). Examining the sci­entific con­sensus on cli­mate change. EOS, Transactions American Geophysical Union 90(3) 22–23.

Hulme, M. (2009). Why we dis­agree about cli­mate change: Understanding con­tro­versy, inac­tion and oppor­tunity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Morton, T.A., Rabinovich, A., Marshall, D. & Bretschneider, P. (2010). The future that may (or may not) come: How framing changes response to uncer­tainty in cli­mate change com­mu­nic­a­tion. Global Environmental Change 21 (1) 103–109.

Pew Research Centre for the People and the Press. (2009). Fewer Americans See Solid Evidence of Global Warming.

Pidgeon, N.F and Fischhoff, B. (2011) The role of social and decision sci­ences in com­mu­nic­ating uncer­tain cli­mate risks. Nature Climate Change. 1, 35–41.

Spence, A., Venables, D., Pidgeon, N., Poortinga, W. and Demski, C., (2010). Public Perceptions of Climate Change and Energy Futures in Britain: Summary Findings of a Survey Conducted in January-March 2010. Technical Report (Understanding Risk Working Paper 10–01). Cardiff: School of Psychology.

Ward, B. (2008). A higher standard than ‘bal­ance’ in journ­alism on cli­mate change sci­ence. Climatic Change 86, 13–17.

Zehr, S. (2000). Public rep­res­ent­a­tions of sci­entific uncer­tainty about global cli­mate change. Public Understanding of Science 9, 85–103.

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